MAJOR R.W.H. FANSHAWE, 1ST EUROPEAN BENGAL FUSILIERS (THE POST 1880 1ST BATTALION ROYAL MU
£5,850.00
MAJOR R.W.H. FANSHAWE, 1ST EUROPEAN BENGAL FUSILIERS (THE POST 1880 1ST BATTALION ROYAL MUNSTER FUSILIERS) AND BENGAL INVALID ESTABLISHMENT (LATER CHIEF INSPECTOR OF POST OFFICES, BRITISH BURMA). Four: Ghuznee Medal 1839 (reverse officially engraved in a combination of running script and hatched sans-serif capital letters: Ensign R.W.H. FANSHAWE European Regiment, the edge of the medal additionally officially engraved in running script: R.W.H. Fanshawe. European. Regiment.) Sutlej Medal 1845-46, Ferozeshuhur reverse, 1 clasp, Sobraon (officially renamed, in running script: Lieut. R.W.H. Fanshawe. 1st. Eurn. Bengl. Lt. Infy.) India General Service Medal 1849-94, 1 clasp, Pegu (officially renamed, engraved in running script: Captn. R.W.H. Fanshawe. 1st. Europn. Bengl. Fusrs.) Indian Mutiny Medal, no clasps (officially impressed: CAPTn. R.W. FANSHAWE). Medals loose mounted for display, few scattered minor rim nicks, otherwise medals with an attractive matching light tone and generally Good Very Fine.
The National Army Museum contains in its archives what is described as a “manuscript pocket book written by Maj. Richard Henry Fanshawe, Indian Army, 1838-1874, associated with the Indian Mutiny (1857-1859).” (NAM accession number 1978-06-11). This is, in fact, not a contemporary document written by Major Fanshawe. It is acutally a notebook into which, circa 1910, a descendant of Major Fanshawe’s (probably a grandson) has transcribed a letter written to Major Fanshawe’s daughter by the Major, describing his “escape from a body of rebel cavalry May 1858”. The notebook also contains a detailed resumé of Major Fanshawes career with the Indian Army, 1838-1874, along with a resumé of the military career of his father-in-law, Major Joseph Leeson (1796-1848), 42nd Bengal Native Infantry. A scan of the notebook, extracts from which are quoted below, accompanies the group. Group also accompanied by extracts from Indian Army Lists of the period and photocopied extracts from Burke’s Peerage, Lieutenant Colonel P.R. Innes’s “The History of the Bengal European Regiment, Now the Royal Munster Fusiliers” (London 1885), and Captain S. McCance’s “History of the Royal Munster Fusiliers” (Aldershot 1927), along with some copied research extracted from internet websites re. the Fanshawe family.
Richard William Henry Fanshawe was first commissioned Ensign, 1st European Bengal Fusiliers, 1837, and promoted Lieutenant, 1840, and Captain, 1845. He transferred to the Bengal Invalid Establishment on 1/10/1853 and was promoted Major, 1861.
The then Ensign Fanshawe first saw active service in Afghanistan 1839-40, taking part in the storming and capture of Ghuznee. As a Lieutenant he subsequently saw service during the Sutlej campaign of 1845-46, during which he was wounded in action at the battle of Ferozeshuhur. He next saw service as a Captain during the Second Burma War, 1852-53, taking part in the relief of Pegu, and also seeing service with the detachment of the Ramghur Horse that was sent from Tonghoo in pursuit of the retreating Burmese Army. Fanshawe transferred to the Invalid Establishment on 1st October 1853. Lieutenant Colonel P.R. Innes, in his 1885 history of the Royal Munster Fusiliers records Fanshawe as being one of four officers from the Bengal Invalid Establishment who volunteered their services during the Indian Mutiny (three of whom had previously seen service with the 1st European Bengal Fusiliers, Captain Fanshawe, a Captain Haslewood and Innes himself). Fanshawe was promoted Major 5th February 1861 for valued services rendered during the Indian Mutiny (as, too, were Haslewood and Innes). Major Fanshawe subsequently saw service as Chief Inspector of Post Offices, British Burma. He is listed in the 1881 India List, Civil and Military, as the senior officer (Major) of the Invalid Establishment, Bengal. In the 1882 India List. Fanshawe is also recorded as a Major with the Invalid Establishment, Bengal, seniority 5th February 1861. Fanshawe is listed in the 1881 and 1882 Indian Lists, Civil and Military, as being the senior officer (Major) in the Bengal Invalid Establishment, with seniority dated 5th February 1861. Major Fanshawe is recorded in Officer Casualties of the Indian Armies 1803-1946 by Anthony J. Farrington as a Major in the Bengal Invalid Establishment, and having died at Moulmein, Burma, on 26th June 1885, after 48 years continuous service with the East India Company and Indian armies.
The following account of Major Fanshawes escaped from a body of rebel cavalry during the Indian Mutiny has been taken from the notebook held by National Army Museum:
“Having received orders to proceed from Cawnpore to Allyghur on duty, I left the former station early on the morning of the 14th May 1858 in an open Government Passenger Van (the one always placed at my disposal as I had charge at the time of the entire Mail Cart, and Bullock Train, and Parcel and Passenger Van Establishment in the Allyghur Division extending over upwards of 50C miles, (including the Stations of Lucknow, Cawnpore, Futtyghur, Bhowgong, Etah, Mynpoorie, Agra, Allyghur, my headquarters, Koorjah, Boolandshur, Meerut and Delhi) accompanied by Lt-Col.Waterfield, Assistant Adjutant General of the Army, who had just been appointed to take command of the Troops holding the Fort at Allyghur. On reaching the point where the road to Etah and Allyghur branched off, I received information from one of the Road Establishments that a large party of Rebel Cavalry had reached Etah on the previous day, and were supposed to be still there. As We were without an escort, we decided to go on to Mynpoorie, a Civil Station on the direct road to Agra, and about ten miles from where we were then halted. A number of civilians with a strong detachment of Military were at the above Station, so we calculated on getting correct information there as to the whereabouts of the Rebels. On our arrival we found Dr Paton, Postmaster-General of the North ‘Nest Provinces, and ail the other European Officers stationed at Mynpoorie, anxiously looking out for us, fearing that we might take the direct route to Allyghur via Etah instead of going on to Mynpoorie, and thus rush headlong into the very arms of the enemy. All that was known at Mynpoorie about the movements of the Detachment of Rebel Cavalry was that they were still at Etah, or were moving across the country in the direction of the Mynpoorie and Agra road, which road they intended to cross, but when and at what spot was unknown. After dining at the Mess we prepared to resume our journey, although strongly advised not to do so until trustworthy information was obtained regarding the whereabouts of the enemy. Co. Waterfied had been far from well for some time, and was very anxious to get to his journey’s end as soon as possible he therefore proposed that I should remain behind, and let him go on alone. This I woold not of course listen to for a moment, as in the first place all the Mail Cart Horses were under my charge, and would not have been supplied to him without a direct order from me, and in the next place the men in charge of the horses at each stage were expecting me up the line, and would (I well knew) keep the best horses for me, and consequently there would be a better chance of his escape when with me than if travelling alone, and lastly, my principal reason, that I had started with him for the trip, and therefore I did not feel inclined to let him go and face the danger he was almost sure to be exposed to alone. We therefore left Mynpoorie together that night, and got on all right until within 24 or 25 miles of Agra. After sitting up and watching for some considerable tine we both lay down and were very nearly asleep when I was startled by the report of a pistol close to my head, and a fearful yell from the coachman who was close to me. This was about 2.30 a.m. on 15th May. We at once started up to see what was the matter, and who had fired the shot. A single glance around showed us that we were entirely surrounded by a body of the Rebel Cavalry (afterwards proved to be the very party we had been trying to avoid). It was a clear bright morning but not sufficiently light to distinguish any of the features of the attacking party. The van we were traveling in was (as I said before) open on all sided, fortunately for us, as had we been in an ordinary closed Gharrie, we could not have seen clearly what was going on around us and kept up the steady fire we did on each approach of the enemy, so we quickly arranged to defend our respective sides of the Van. We were both well armed, and I told the coachman to drive on as fast as possible he poor fellow was just as anxious as we were to et out of the mess we were in, the more so as he had been shot through the body. We had a splendid horse in the carriage, which bounded off at a tearing gallop. The Rebels opened out and let us pass, but immediately closed up again, and followed us at sone distance, galloping up every 2 or 3 minutes to fire into the Van, which fire was steadily anticipated by us directly we saw them slacken their pace slightly to take aim at us. The pace we were going at, and their being at the gallop at the time they delivered their fire, coupled with the uncertain light at the time, and the knowledge that the moment they slackened their pace to fire would immediately ensure 3 or 4 bullets being sent at the leading men of the party by us, tended of course to render their aim unsteady to a very great extent, whilst we were able to take steady aim from the inside of a carriage running smoothly, and to choose our own time for delivering our fire, which was never thrown away. However, two against 80 to 100 men was long odds, and could not go on for ever. To surrender under the circumstances was out of the question, as we should simply have been tortured first, and had our throats cut afterwards, which we preferred to avoid if possible, so there was nothing for it but to fight on to the bitter end, and leave old England’s mark behind, us to the fullest extent in our power. The running fight was kept up until we had nearly reached as email village about 20 miles from Agra. Here I heard poor Col. Waterfield give a slight groan and saw him drop back on his pillow. At that moment the enemy succeeded in killing our horse, so we were brought to a standstill. I had a brace of pistols, but had fired every round but one. I noticed that after the horse was shot and speared the enemy had not fired a shot, although close round me, so I concluded that they had run short of ammunition, which turned out to be the case. Just after firing my last short I put my hand back, and caught hold of Co. Waterfields arm, making the remark that there was now nothing left for us to do but to jump out and cut our way through them if possible. To my horror, on letting go his arm, it dropped heavily to his side, and on my turning towards him for the first time, as we had teen too hotly pressed before to admit of our holding any conversation, I found he had been Shot dead by my side. Finding I no longer fired, one of the Sowers approached the Van with a spear, and made a thrust at me. I struck the point on one side and levelled an empty pistol at his head, which made him beat a very hasty retreat, as I expected. By this time the poor coachman had fallen from his seat, and the only other person of our party, a native servant of Col. Waterfields, was lying by hie side. On finding that I was the only survivor, and that the Rebels were preparing to close round and attack me, I suddenly jumped out of the Van and managed to cut my way through them, and get round the outside corner of the village, when I made straightt for a large clump of mangoe trees. As leaving the Van was quite unexpected I succeeded, when cutting my way through, in wounding several of the Rebels, which seemed to produce a panic amongst them, as they galloped off to some distance, to my intense astonishment. Of course I lost not a second in taking advantage of this opportunity to increase my distance from them. I am inclined to think that the panic was caused by their bing aware that a party of Col. Murrays Jat horse had been sent out to try and cut -off their retreat, and not knowing exactly where this said detachment was, they, on hearing the sudden shout that was made when I got amongst them, and being unable to see clearly what was going on, jumped to the conclusion that Col. Murray with his followers had unexpectedly put in an appearance. Be that as it may, only two men followed me. I saw at a glance that I could not escape engaging them, but nevertheless redoubled my efforts to increase the distance between us and the main body before closing with them. As there were only two to deal with, and neither of them had ammunition, I felt no anxiety as to what the result would be, particularly as they were both mounted. In crossing the cultivated ground between the village and the mangoe trees, I tripped (when looking behind me to see how close my pursuers were to me) over a watercourse used for irrigation purposes, and fell. Before I could recover my feet, the leading horseman had reached the spot and was leaning over to try and cut me down the moment I attempted to rise from the ground. Perceiving my danger I rolled suddenly over on my left side, raised myself slightly on my elbow, and gave the horse a swinging cut across the side of the head and mouth, which made him rear and plunge violently. This gave me time to recover my feet, when I at once closed with the Sower and severely wounded him, which induced him to wheel round and gallop off, closely followed by his comrade who, strange to say, rode up to within ten paces or so of where this lively little passage a arms was taking place, but did not seem inclined to join in it. After they left I went on to the mango trees, and there remained until the Rebels left. They plundered all our property that they could conveniently carry away, and burnt the rest with the Van. I am inclined to think that the two men who followed me gave out, on rejoining their party, that they had killed me, as no further search was made for me. I was within a very short distance of the party up to the time they resumed their march, so close indeed that I distinctly heard the orders that were given to the men, one of which was that not man was to remain behind. This was of course good news to me, provided the people belonging to the village were not Mahommedans had they belonged to the “Faithful” Caste I should most assuredly have been murdered, and my murder would have been put down to the account of the Rebel Cavalry who attacked me. It turned out to be a Hindu vilage, so I was safe, and able to me arrangements for Col. Waterfields body to be taken to Agra for burial. Some of his papers had been scattered about the road amongst them I found his Will, and a few private letters which I sent to pis wife. As I was close to one of the Mail Cart horse Chokries, I sent an express to Agra, requesting that another Van might be sent to me without delay and else forwarded a few lines to your Mother in Mussoorie. The poor coachman died before I left the village an application was made for a Pension for his family, which was granted. My escape on 15th May 1858 was certainly a most wonderful one. If the hand of God was ever visible on earth, it was visible on that occasion. A short but fervent prayer was offered up by me for the assistance of ONE who was ALONE able to give it, and most assuredly that prayer was fully answered, and strength given in that hour of need, when nothing that I individually could do against such fearful odds could possibly have saved me.
Major Fanshawes officially renamed Sutlej 1845-46 and India General Service Medals were no doubt issued as official replacements for his original medals, which were no doubt lost during the Indian Mutiny. This is confirmed resumé of his career recorded in the National Army Museum notebook, which states that Fanshawe was stationed at Allyghur when the 9th Bengal Native Infantry mutinied, on which occasion he lost the whole of his property.
Captain S. McCance, in his 1927 History of the Royal Munster Fusiliers, credits the three officers of the Bengal Invalid Establishment (Fanshawe, Hazelwood and Innes) who volunteered their services during the Indian Mutiny, as having taken part in the First Relief of Lucknow under Havelock. This is incorrect, and based on a mis-reading by McCance of Inness 1885 history.
Burkes Peerage correctly records Fanshawe as marrying Frances Elizabeth Leeson, daughter of The Honourable John Leeson (son of Bryce Leeson, 3rd Earl of Miltown) on 4/10/1841. However, it incorrectly records Fanshawe and Frances Elizabeth as only having three daughters, two of whom died young. The Fanshawes in fact had eight children, two sons and six daughters, all of whom survived into adulthood. The daughter to whom Major Fanshawe wrote his letter describing his escape from the rebel cavalry in 1858 would have been Alicia Louisa Fanshawe, who married James Matthew Algy in 1868 (the letter is described in the notebook as having been written to a Mrs James Algy).








